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XI. Delegate Conference

Arbeiterbund für den

Wiederaufbau der KPD

January 2011

War and revolution

We are no prophets. What we can say nevertheless is this: "The capitalists don't want war. They must want it" 1(B. Brecht). Why must they want it? Because the economic misbalance between the imperialist countries has slipped to the point where simple economic turnaround is no longer feasible. The imperialist states had agreed on liquidating the red third of the world. The revisionists there made it possible. On what they did no longer agree, however, and continue to disagree is how the bag is to be allocated. The German imperialism snapped the juicy morsel by annexing the GDR. The internal contradictions of imperialism now forged ahead until finally exploding in the world economic crisis starting 2008. German imperialism again took the biggest profit out of this crisis. We do not know for how long the other imperialists will accept his export offensive. We do not know how German imperialism will react once the other imperialists stop keeping still. War might be rather far and for the very same reason very near. In spite of not knowing when the outbreak of a next World War would take place the Executive Committee of the Communist International concluded 1934: "It is up to the communists to enlighten the masses why the EKKI theses say that the international situation has all traits of the eve of a new World War"2.


The time schedule for our revolution does not depend on the reconstruction of the KPD. And it cannot, no matter how crucial the reconstruction of the KPD for our revolution is. The time schedule for our revolution is dictated by the threat of war! Only if the proletariat is led by a highly organized party field-tested in both domestic and external policy will the conquest of power be more than a happy and ephemeral incident and, instead, the starting point for the tedious building of socialism by the proletariat. "The great historical task of international communism is to mobilize the broadest masses against war much before the outbreak of war and in doing so to accelerate the doom of capitalism"3. And: "Necessarily capitalism gives birth to war. This, however, does not imply that the revolutionary proletariat is unable to prevent imperialist war by a victorious revolution taking place prior to this war or to delay and defer such a war"4. Why should this conclusion be less valid here and now? The weakness of the communists here and all over the world? This weakness must not be an excuse! Even if we go down with flying red flags when trying to hinder the outbreak of war. Provided that the communists fulfill their task - why would the communist and revolutionary forces not grow and multiply once it is obvious that the prewar period comes to an end? The communists will constantly seek to make the fight for the prevention of a Third World War a fight for the revolution. No fight for proper peace per se but rather a fight for the proletarian revolution in the Federal Republic of Germany. This is the safest tool to prevent any German contribution to a Third World War, a lesson that not only the friends of peace must learn.


What about our brand watchword "Our main enemy stands amidst our own country - it is German imperialism!"? It will continue marking the separating line. We know, however, that the big blasting power of this watchword only comes into effect when a World War is reality and has not been prevented by revolution. Only then many, even in our own ranks, would probably say: 'Now of course everything has changed'. For example if Germany would not be the obvious aggressor but seemingly the victim of an aggression. It is our task to prevent things from going this far and to try, instead, to prevent war- in what weird way ever it might outbreak - by accomplishing revolution in what way ever5.


What does it mean - preventing a German contribution to a Third World War by accomplishing revolution here? As a matter of fact Germany is conducting a war at present already. Germany is growing into war since the annexation of the GDR. This did not happen as long as the GDR existed, as long as two German states were existing. There was an option for a war that could have developed into a World War or could have been part of it: A war between the FRG and the GDR. It was planned already. Parts of the democratic movement of 1968 would have firmly opposed such activities and choked off such war. Today, by contrast, people seem to get accustomed to growing into war step by step. This is why the outbreak of another World War might happen before the anti-war forces have been organized. This is when the bell tolls to us irrespective of our force, irrespective of our weakness, irrespective of how we see our perspectives. Because it is rather unlikely that another World War would produce a revolution in Germany. Since nothing will be left that could be called Germany. Similarly a gift for a nation that led World War,- like given to us 1945 by liberating us from Hitler fascism and establishing the German Democratic Republic-, will not be made for a second time. Because nothing worth liberating would be left.


In a revolution to prevent Germany from contributing to another World War the rule of the class must be broken that profited from preparing two World Wars, that got even more rich by conducting those wars and that rapidly got back on its feet after defeat. For overthrowing this class a relative broad fraction of people can and should be recruited. The first stage of this revolution might not end up with the disempowerment of the bourgeoisie but rather be limited to prevent Germany from contributing to another World War. (The '68 movement would probably have been able to achieve this, too. This movement is neither to be under- nor overestimated6). If the revolution stops here it will not accomplish its' goal. If the revolution is to hold it's ground it must proceed to bring this part of society into power that is unified by the contradiction between wage-labor and capital. Despite being a minority but at the same time a manifold of the ruling capitalist class responsible for war, this part of society alone is able to safeguard the revolution and, together with the workers from other countries, to liberate mankind. This is the dictatorship of the proletariat even though it is possible that only part of the proletariat is actively engaged under the leadership of the communist party. It is to be reconstructed in our country as well as elsewhere.


To choke off a World War would redound to the honor of a revolution even if this revolution would fail to last. Equally no Khrushchev, no Brezhnev, no Gorbachev, Yeltsin or Putin will undo the fact that the first great socialist state defeated Hitler fascism. Socialism in one or in several countries is not for all eternities. This is because socialism is nothing but the transition to communism. And because during this entire period - Mao Zedong once said it would be for 1000 years - the question is: who holds sway over whom? This question might be answered by giving up socialism and restoring capitalism. But as long as capitalism exists there will always be revolutions leading towards socialism. Until mankind has moved on from its prehistory to communism.

1 Bertolt Brecht, Schriften zur Politik und Gesellschaft, Frankfurt a.M. 1967, S. 324. Brecht continues: "The German capitalists have two options for a war. 1. They give Germany away and hand it over to the USA (P├ętain). 2. They fool the USA and take the lead of the war".

2 The XIII. Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International and the fight against the danger of war. Die Kommunistische Internationale, Zeitschrift des Exekutivkomitees der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1934 Heft 4, S. 297

3 Theses adopted by the XIII. of the Executive Committee of the Communist International - December 1933. Die Kommunistische Internationale, Zeitschrift des Exekutivkomitees der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1934 Heft 4, S. 297.

4 The XIII. Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International and the fight against the danger of war. Die Kommunistische Internationale, Zeitschrift des Exekutivkomitees der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1934 Heft 4, S. 297

5 Why does the petite bourgeoisie deny so vividly the danger of a Third World War? Because of the foreboding perhaps that a revolution is required for preventing war. Unfortunately hopes are deceitful that by the same reasoning the proletarians would acknowledge the possibility of a Third World War. Few do. Those who do we need.

6 Why did the Socialist German Student Association (SDS) deflate 1968/69? Not because the emergency laws had been passed despite its' opposition. After all, SDS succeeded in making those laws end up in the drawer. No - it was because no proletarian movement existed that might have been initiated by SDS and which SDS or part of it could have had followed. Instead, a handful of students and others took on the responsibility for that the relatively few mobilized proletarians stuck to their cause. This is how the Arbeiterbund für den Wiederaufbau der KPD (Workers Alliance for the Reconstruction of the German Communist Party) was formed. Other than differing attempts our organization exists up to this late day. And will continue to exist. Till our task is accomplished.